91麻豆精品国产91久久久久久久久 _国产一级一区二区_91麻豆国产精品_国产成人精品一区二区免费看京_国产精品对白刺激久久久_中出一区二区_国产成人精品久久_日韩欧美在线精品_欧美老少做受xxxx高潮_直接在线观看的三级网址_国产福利91精品一区_久久理论片午夜琪琪电影网

The GGI Blueprint for a More Equitable World

The launch of the GGI at the SCO plus summit reflects China’s growing confidence as both a major economy and a member of the Global South.

When President Xi Jinping together with?leaders attended?the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Plus meeting in Tianjin on September 1, he proposed?a bold vision: the Global Governance Initiative (GGI). Framed as China’s latest public good to the world, the proposal lays out a roadmap for reforming international institutions to meet the needs of a changing era.

“I look forward to working with all countries for a more just and equitable global governance system and advancing toward a community with a shared future for humanity,” Xi said.

The GGI is neither a standalone statement nor a rhetorical flourish. It is the culmination of decades of Chinese engagement with multilateralism and an extension of initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative. President Xi’s proposal resonates at a time when calls for reform are echoing loudly across the Global South, where frustration with inequality and governance mechanisms reform is at a tipping point.

Global governance, as it exists today, was shaped in the aftermath of the Second World War. The creation of the United Nations and associated institutions reflected the post-war consensus, but they were never designed for today’s multipolar world. Since the end of the Cold War, emerging economies have become drivers of global growth: according to the International Monetary Fund, they now account for?approximately 60 percent of global GDP?in PPP term,?growing at an average of over 3 percent annually. Yet their influence within key decision-making bodies—such as the IMF, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization—remains limited.

This mismatch between economic weight and political voice has eroded trust. The post-war order has struggled to keep pace with rapid technological change, demographic shifts, and new threats like climate change and cyber insecurity. The dominance of a handful of wealthy nations, often pursuing unilateral policies, has made the system appear unrepresentative, especially to countries that were once colonized and now demand a genuine say in shaping the rules. Xi’s GGI seeks to bridge this gap, offering a vision anchored in five core principles: sovereign equality, adherence to international law, multilateralism, a people-centered approach, and real action. Together, they outline a roadmap to move from a system of power politics to one of shared responsibility.

At the heart of Xi’s proposal is a recognition of the realities of inequality. A recent UN report highlighted that two-thirds of the world’s population live in countries where income inequality is widening, while over a third subsist on less than $6.85 a day. The digital divide is stark: while high-income countries boast over 90 percent internet access, low-income countries lag at just 27 percent, hampering their ability to benefit from artificial intelligence and other technological shifts. For developing economies, the pace of globalization has been uneven. Export-oriented growth strategies that lifted millions out of poverty in the late 20th century are increasingly challenged by AI-driven automation, which demands capital-intensive investment rather than abundant labor. Left unaddressed, these inequalities risk aggravating divisions between North and South.

An employee works on an assembly line of electric buses, whose components are imported from China, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in March 2024. (Photo/Xinhua)

Xi’s initiative builds on China’s longstanding advocacy for a fairer global order. From supporting IMF reforms to backing the African Union’s entry into the G20, Beijing has consistently pushed for greater representation of developing nations. In trade, China has opened its markets to the world’s poorest countries, granting zero-tariff treatment to all African least developed countries with which it has diplomatic relations. These measures reflect China’s belief that equality in governance must start with economic opportunity.

The GGI gains credibility from China’s track record in international engagement. As the second-largest financial contributor to both the UN and UN peacekeeping operations, China has shouldered responsibilities that match its economic stature. Beijing has also played a key role in mediating conflicts, including facilitating the landmark rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia and collaborating with Brazil on proposals for a political settlement in Ukraine.

China has invested heavily in new multilateral institutions designed to complement, rather than replace, existing ones. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank provide financing options that reflect the priorities of the Global South, focusing on infrastructure, green development, and digital inclusion. These initiatives demonstrate Beijing’s belief in “extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits,” a philosophy now codified in the GGI.

The GGI’s most compelling feature is its emphasis on actionable reform rather than rhetoric. It calls for halting practices that undermine multilateralism, such as paralyzing the WTO or disregarding the UN Charter. It advocates rebalancing quotas and voting power at institutions like the IMF and World Bank, ensuring they reflect today’s global economic landscape. These changes, Xi argues, are not optional but essential for stability.

The initiative also aligns with China’s advocacy for a rules-based order that is not defined by hegemony. While Western policymakers often equate “rules-based” with their own preferences, Beijing emphasizes a return to universally agreed-upon norms under the UN framework. This distinction speaks to a deeper philosophical difference: rather than imposing a single model of development, China stresses the right of each country to pursue its own path based on history, culture, and national conditions.

Global governance reform is not merely about representation; it is also about capacity. The challenges?of our age—pandemics, climate change, migration, cybersecurity, and AI regulation—are too complex for unilateral approaches. Xi’s GGI underscores this interdependence, emphasizing a “people-centered” approach that prioritizes development and security for all. China’s contributions to renewable energy, poverty alleviation, and digital connectivity illustrate how solutions can be scaled globally. For example, China has pledged significant climate finance to support developing nations and is expanding digital infrastructure in underserved regions through initiatives like the Digital Silk Road. By tying these actions to multilateral cooperation, Beijing seeks to demonstrate that governance reform is not abstract diplomacy but a pathway to solving shared problems.

The launch of the GGI at the SCO?plus?summit reflects China’s growing confidence as both a major economy and a member of the Global South. Rather than replacing the existing order, the initiative aims to rebalance and revitalize it. Its principles echo the vision of a “community with a shared future for humanity,” a concept that underpins Beijing’s foreign policy and finds resonance among countries that have long felt marginalized. Critics may view the initiative as a bid for influence, but it can also be read as a pragmatic recognition of changing realities: a multipolar world needs multilateral institutions that reflect its diversity, instead of a fragmented system prone to mistrust, trade wars, and unilateral interventions.

 

The article reflects the author’s opinions, and not necessarily the views of China Focus.

成人做爰www免费看视频网站| a视频免费看| 波多野结衣在线观看一区二区三区| 日韩在线观看免费高清| 卡通欧美亚洲| 亚洲欧美日韩精品久久| 亚洲性图自拍| 91.成人天堂一区| a天堂中文在线| 制服丝袜亚洲色图| 欧美黄色视屏| 亚洲一级黄色片| 精品国产18久久久久久二百| 欧美黑人巨大xxx极品| 欧美巨大xxxx| 91精品久久久久久久久久另类 | 亚欧色一区w666天堂| 男女激情片在线观看| 精品久久久久久久久久久久久久| 国产一级片在线播放| 日韩亚洲欧美成人一区| 亚洲天堂手机| 欧美成人h版在线观看| 欧美特黄一级大片| 久久青青草原一区二区| 日韩高清不卡在线| 久久视频这里有精品| 成人毛片在线观看| 99sesese| 欧美日韩综合不卡| 日本成人片在线| 欧美中文在线免费| 亚洲国产裸拍裸体视频在线观看乱了中文| 日本在线视频一区| 91麻豆文化传媒在线观看| 一级片免费视频| 精品日本一线二线三线不卡| 欧美天堂一区| 91精品在线观| 国产剧情一区二区三区| 日日摸天天爽天天爽视频| 亚洲国产日韩a在线播放| av香蕉成人| 欧美激情国产日韩精品一区18| 欧美国产三区| 阿v天堂2018| 精品国产成人在线| 中文av在线全新| 国产成+人+综合+亚洲欧洲| 久久精品亚洲一区二区| 国产精品亚洲αv天堂无码| 日韩欧美中文字幕在线观看| 久久久人成影片一区二区三区在哪下载| 久久久亚洲国产| 99成人在线| 欧美日韩在线免费播放| 欧美军同video69gay| 婷婷视频一区二区三区| 成人写真视频福利网| 亚洲一区国产一区| 中文字幕在线观看第三页| 欧美又粗又大又爽| 日韩高清一区| 国产伦精品一区二区三区在线 | 日韩欧美精品一区| 亚洲一区二区三区乱码| 欧美国产丝袜视频| 高清毛片在线看| 美女精品视频一区| 久久久久.com| 一个人看的免费视频色| 中文字幕精品视频| 免费亚洲网站| 国产黄色免费网| 亚洲视频一区二区| 亚洲午夜在线| 又黄又爽无遮挡| 久久久国产91| 奇米在线7777在线精品 | 日本中文字幕在线观看| 国产69精品久久久久9999| 国产一区二区免费视频| 免费黄色在线视频网站| 97超视频免费观看| 国产精品一卡二卡在线观看| av在线播放网| 日本精品一区二区三区在线播放视频 | 日韩精品一区二| 国产一区日韩| 无码人妻丰满熟妇区五十路百度| 7777精品久久久大香线蕉| 最新亚洲精品| 一区二区三区四区视频在线观看| 欧美丝袜丝交足nylons图片| 999久久久精品一区二区| 日本a级片在线观看| 欧美日韩国产高清一区二区| 欧美hd在线| 日本xxxx高清色视频| 欧美二区乱c黑人| eeuss国产一区二区三区 | 亚洲午夜在线电影| 91夜夜蜜桃臀一区二区三区| 成人在线国产视频| 亚洲欧美日韩天堂| 久久精品国内一区二区三区| 成人av黄色| 久久久久国产精品视频| 欧美亚洲精品一区| 午夜国产一区| 在线理论视频| 成人字幕网zmw| 午夜精品福利在线| 日韩伦理一区二区三区| 人妻丰满熟妇av无码区app| 一区二区日韩精品| 国精产品一区一区三区mba视频 | 爱情岛论坛亚洲入口| 午夜不卡av免费| 久久视频在线| 天堂av网在线| 97影院在线午夜| 欧美色精品在线视频| 极品中文字幕一区| 黄色在线论坛| 天堂99x99es久久精品免费| 国产欧美一区二区视频| 色综合天天视频在线观看| 午夜亚洲福利| 亚洲午夜性刺激影院| 成人丝袜高跟foot| av不卡一区| 中文字幕网在线| 久久66热这里只有精品| 亚洲嫩模很污视频| 国产女人18水真多18精品一级做| 神马影视一区二区| 日韩毛片久久久| 国产亚洲黄色片| 日本精品免费一区二区三区| 欧美三区在线观看| 国产成人精品一区二区三区网站观看| 日本一区二区三区视频在线看| 一级日本免费的| 欧美在线播放一区二区| 色噜噜久久综合伊人一本| 亚洲精品国产视频| 亚洲欧洲一区| 欧美美女福利视频| 依依成人在线| 偷拍盗摄高潮叫床对白清晰| 91极品女神在线| 欧美精品日韩一区| 久久美女高清视频| 欧美视频日韩| 91另类视频| 青梅竹马是消防员在线| 国产精品无码电影在线观看| 青草热久免费精品视频| 欧美一级xxx| 久久久久久久综合日本| 韩国久久久久| 不卡的国产精品| 日本中文字幕视频在线| 色婷婷综合网站| 日本一区二区三不卡| 亚洲精品国产精华液| 一区二区三区精品99久久| 成人18精品视频| 亚洲不卡av不卡一区二区| 偷拍自拍在线看| 日韩欧美国产精品一区二区三区| 亚洲bbw性色大片| 国产精品视频首页| 91小视频在线免费看| 精品一区免费| 黄色在线看片| 五月天丁香婷| 中文字幕日韩精品久久| 国产成人高清激情视频在线观看| 欧美成人激情免费网| 亚洲欧美中日韩| 久久电影网站中文字幕| av在线不卡顿| 人人精品久久| 天堂av最新在线| 一二三四在线视频观看社区| 国产精品沙发午睡系列| 欧美午夜免费| 亚洲va男人天堂| 久久久午夜视频| 国产亚洲a∨片在线观看| 欧美绝品在线观看成人午夜影视| 亚洲三级免费电影| 国产精品一二三四五| 香蕉久久国产| 偷偷www综合久久久久久久| 99ri日韩精品视频| 蜜桃成人精品| www在线观看黄色|