The inaugural year of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s administration witnessed a substantive reconfiguration of Brazilian foreign policy. In stark contrast to the diplomatic paradigm espoused by his predecessor Jair Bolsonaro’s far-right administration, Lula systematically reinvigorated salient components of the foreign policy apparatus emblematic of the Workers’ Party’s previous period of governance from 2003 to 2016.

Central tenets include a pronounced commitment to safeguarding South American regional integration, fostering heightened South-South cooperation, and assuming a preeminent role within multilateral forums. This strategic realignment was encapsulated by a return to the historical role of regional conflict mediator, an assertive posture advocating an overhaul of global governance structures, and an emphasis on restoring robust ties with Brazil’s foremost commercial and strategic allies.

In terms of regional affairs, Brazil’s strategic imperative to assume a leadership role in South America emerged as pivotal. Brasília held a summit convening representatives from all South American nations in May. Preceding this, President Lula had orchestrated Brazil’s reintegration into the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), institutions from which the Bolsonaro administration had withdrawn. This diplomatic reorientation coincided with reestablishing bilateral ties with Venezuela, ending the imbroglio from Bolsonaro’s earlier recognition of Washington-backed Guaidó’s government. The discord that characterized bilateral relations with Argentina during the tenures of Fernández and Bolsonaro was also rectified. In the context of escalating tensions between Venezuela and Guyana regarding the issue over the Essequibo region, Brazil has proactively advocated for dialogue and peaceful resolution.

Relations with the United States experienced a constructive recalibration. Throughout Bolsonaro’s administration, the Brazilian president’s pronounced political and ideological affinity with Donald Trump strained bilateral relations, a trend that persisted notably during Joe Biden’s incumbency. In a diplomatic sojourn to Washington in February, President Lula heralded an epochal phase in Brazilian-American ties, calling for collaboration on issues encompassing environmental concerns, trade dynamics and regional political stability. Notwithstanding this amelioration, Brazil maintained a posture of principled non-conformity, rebuffing American overtures and declining to accede to U.S. positions on pivotal global issues, including the conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine.

In April, President Lula embarked on a diplomatic mission to Shanghai and Beijing to catalyze the flourishing bilateral relationship between Brazil and China. During his visit, a noteworthy 15 bilateral agreements covering multiple areas of cooperation were signed. This included establishing a novel joint satellite initiative and embracing science and technology, trade, industry, communication, agriculture and livestock domains. In tandem with China, Brazil has consistently advocated for a multipolar international order predicated on principles of peace, non-interference in nations’ domestic affairs, and holistic economic development. Concurrently, former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff assumed the reins of the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) in Shanghai. Both countries coalesced on pivotal international issues, notably the crucial process of augmenting BRICS, including the accession of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. On matters related to the Ukraine and Palestine conflicts, Brazil and China endorsed a commitment to peaceful dialogue and rejected Washington’s belligerent approach.

Lula’s administration rekindled discourse centered on reforming global governance, emphasizing the urgent need to augment the U.N. Security Council. In this vein, Brazilian diplomacy assumed the role of mediator in international conflicts, including the protracted hostilities in Ukraine and Palestine, along with regional tensions between Venezuela and Guyana. Departing from the stances adopted by the Bolsonaro government, Brazil gave prominence to its involvement in global commitments for environmental issues, seeking to assert a leading role in this domain. President Lula formally ratified Brazil’s accession to OPEC+ in December, marking a notable strategic shift. Concurrently, high-level dialogues were revived with key European powers. Steadfast in safeguarding its industrial interests, Brazil vociferously championed its position in negotiations to conclude a prospective free trade agreement between Mercosur, or the Southern Common Market, and the EU.

In succinct terms, the inaugural year of the new Lula administration’s foreign policy was underscored by substantial governmental efforts to reconstitute Brazil’s position within global and regional spheres, effectively reversing the period of diplomatic contraction during the administrations of Michel Temer (2016-2018) and Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022). Lula’s robust and positive international standing significantly contributed to these diplomatic initiatives, epitomized by the president’s extensive travels to 24 countries throughout 2023. Brazil rebalanced its bilateral relations with the United States and EU. Collaboration with China, Brazil’s leading trade partner, intensified and expanded. The nation reasserted its unwavering commitment to a multipolar global order, resuming its time-honored role as a mediator in conflicts and its leadership position within South America.

Nevertheless, it is necessary to state that the tumultuous international political milieu has impinged on several of Brazil’s foreign policy objectives. Despite its earnest efforts to shape the trajectory of the conflict in Ukraine, Brazil encountered challenges in consolidating its aspired mediating role, notably due to the absence of support from Washington. Despite greater dialogue with major European powers, these efforts fell short of concluding the protracted free trade agreement between Mercosur and the EU, negotiations having now lasted over two decades. While symbolically significant, Brazil’s reentry into the Union of South American Nations (abbreviated in Spanish as UNASUR) remains substantively hollowed and distant from the adherence and regional influence it wielded a decade ago. While initially indicating a return to a synergistic pattern, uncertainties have been introduced recently in relations with Argentina, Brazil’s pivotal ally in regional integration processes, following the election of Javier Milei.

In summary, Brazil, under the new Lula administration, has espoused a proactive and assertive foreign policy, departing from the erstwhile inertia and isolation embraced by his predecessors. Nonetheless, the administration has yet to fully redress the profound ramifications of the diplomatic retraction in Brazilian foreign affairs over recent years. The tumultuous global political environment further complicates foreign policy initiatives. In stark contrast to the conditions during Lula’s earlier tenures in the first decade of the 21st century, the prevailing landscape is characterized by a rapidly advancing structural transition within the global order. This transition is underscored by escalating aggression by declining superpowers, diminishing political and ideological cohesion between South American nations, and increasing political instability within Brazil.

The author is a Ph.D. candidate in Global Studies at Shanghai University.